Showing posts with label Society. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Society. Show all posts

Catalunya, a team that won't make a World Cup

By Andy Mitten / The National

Players in the Primera Liga are enjoying a two week winter break before the league schedule resumes on Sunday, yet several of Spain's World Cup winners will play in a game tonight in front of a capacity 50,000 crowd in Barcelona.

A Catalunya side managed by Johan Cruyff will take on Honduras in a friendly game at the city's Olympic Stadium. The Dutch legend, who has lived in Barcelona full-time since 1988, has called up Victor Valdes, Gerard Pique, Carles Puyol, Marc Bartra, Andreu Fontas, Sergio Busquets and Bojan from Barca. The only missing Catalan player from Barca's first team is Xavi, while Villarreal's Joan Capdevila is also out.

Seven Espanyol players have also been selected, plus Catalans playing elsewhere in Spain like Atletico Madrid's Fran Merida. Those playing further afield like Cesc Fabregas are contractually obliged to put their club commitments before those of a "country" not affiliated to Fifa or Uefa.

Catalunya play once or twice a season and have done in the majority of years since the region's football foundation began in 1904. Tickets are kept deliberately cheap (most cost €10 (Dh48) tonight) to encourage a capacity crowd and younger fans who would otherwise not get to see the star names live.

Catalunya play against the other teams from Spain's other autonomous regions like the Basque country, games which attract a political atmosphere and nationalist sabre rattling in the always ultra-passionate crowd.

For other matches they play established national sides. Brazil and Argentina have both been opponents who have attracted over 90,000 to Camp Nou in recent seasons.

A 50 per cent of Catalans desire the absolute independence from Spain that would see the Catalan national team play competitively.

One of the strongest voices in the independence movement is the former Barca president Joan Laporta, who turned his skilled hand and significant ego to politics when he left Barca after seven successful years in June. He dreams of seeing Catalunya play in a World Cup finals.

Politics aside, many think that the Catalan national football side would be able to compete on the international stage, despite being drawn from a population of just seven million.

A first XI comprising of Valdes; Puyol, Pique, Capdevila, Fernando Navarro; Xavi, Busquets, Fabregas; Sergio Garcia; Raul Tamudo, Bojan would trouble any team in the world. Espanyol's batch of emerging Catalan youngsters like Javi Marquez, Didac Vila, Javi Chica and Jordi Amat would make it an excellent squad.

Cruyff qualifies as coach because he has lived in Catalunya for more than ten years, not that anyone in Barcelona doubts him. He sealed his place in Catalan hearts when he named his first child 'Jordi' at a time when the Catalan language was outlawed by General Franco.

Jordi was a Catalan name - the name of their patron saint - and the streetwise Johan always grasped Catalunya's political dimension. He knew that the name Jordi was outlawed, but General Franco's influence could not be extended to Holland where Jordi was born. Back in Barcelona, Johan tried to register the boy with the Catalan authorities, but officials refused, telling him that his son's name was illegal.

"My dad said, 'My son has a Dutch passport, I can call him what I like and his name is Jordi,'" explains Jordi. "They replied, 'That is illegal, it has to be the Spanish version, Jorge'."

"Then my dad said: 'I'm not going to make a scandal, but tell your bosses it will become a scandal.' They had to accept me because I was Dutch."

Jordi thus became the first 'legal' Jordi in decades, something he remains proud of. Along with such luminaries as Pep Guardiola, Dutch international Jordi played several times for Catalunya before retiring in 2008, one of many big names in a team that is unlikely to ever play in a major international tournament.

Spain's economic troubles spur Catalonia separatists to take new tack

< A protester paints a Catalan flag on the face of another demonstrator in Barcelona during a July march for greater autonomy for Catalonia within Spain. More than 1 million people took part in the protest, police said. (Gustau Nacarino, Reuters / August 15, 2010)



By Henry Chu, Los Angeles Times


Separatist sentiment has simmered for decades, fueled by belief the region's needs are given short shrift by Madrid. As austerity looms, Catalonia's independentistas are turning to economic arguments.

To Joan Puigcercos, it's all the more reason to split up.

A resident of wealthy Catalonia here in the sunny northeastern corner of the country, Puigcercos blames Spain's economic woes on the government in Madrid and what he sees as its irresponsible and discriminatory ways.

For years, he says, officials blithely spent huge sums on welfare checks and subsidies for poorer parts of Spain, using plenty of tax money from Catalonia, while ignoring the region's needs for better infrastructure and quality public services. So now when he hears Madrid preaching the need for austerity and sacrifice from all, a different solution beckons.

"Either we give in to the politics that have always happened with the Spanish government," said Puigcercos, the leader of the Republican Left of Catalonia party, "or we try to become an independent state."

Those are fighting words in a region that already holds itself aloof from the rest of Spain. But their appeal threatens to intensify during an economic crunch that deepens Catalonians' feelings of being forced to pay for the mistakes of others.

It's a problem with echoes across Europe. Drastic budget cuts to undo years of carefree spending are already tugging at the threads that knit societies together, as workers lose jobs and public services from healthcare to libraries get slashed.

But for Spain and a few other nations, the official penny-pinching also risks aggravating tensions within their borders. In Britain, Scotland chafes against its ties to England, with nationalists urging a referendum on independence. In Italy, the prosperous north throws up its hands at being yoked to, in its view, the lazy, profligate south. French-speaking Walloons and Dutch-speaking Flemish bicker in Belgium.

In Catalonia, separatist sentiment has simmered for decades, fueled by the belief that the region's needs and interests, as well as its distinctive language and culture, are given short shrift by the establishment in Madrid. The region already enjoys a measure of autonomy under an official arrangement with the Spanish government, but many here say it's not enough.

Now, Madrid's austerity measures loom just as Catalonia's independentistas are turning more and more to economic arguments to bolster their case.

Residents grumble that they contribute more than their fair share to the public purse, but that too little of it returns in the form of public investment or services. A 2007 study said Catalonia gave about $9 billion more in revenue a year to the central government than it got back.

In one oft-cited example, residents allege that schoolchildren in the poor region of Extremadura have more computers in their classrooms — with the help of money from Catalonia — than students here at home.

The region has long pressed for better highways and railways because of its status as Spain's biggest exporter. But infrastructure projects across the country are likely to be put on ice as part of the government's cutbacks.

"The first figures that we have seen [show] that the proportion of cutting in Catalonia is bigger than the average for Spain.... We're going to be hurt more," said Muriel Casals, the president of a Catalan cultural organization in Barcelona, the regional capital. "We've been having these kinds of blows for a long time in history, and it's for that that we are so sensitive."

Her organization, Omnium Cultural, sent a wakeup call to the central government last month by staging the biggest show of anti-Madrid feeling in years, a protest of a ruling by Spain's constitutional court that invalidated parts of the official charter granting Catalonia some autonomy.

Hundreds of thousands of residents, many of them waving Catalan independence flags, marched through the streets of Barcelona. In an act practically tantamount to high treason, some protesters wore Dutch soccer jerseys to urge on the Netherlands in the World Cup final against Spain. (The Spanish team, which included several Catalan players, triumphed anyway.)

Elections for Catalonia's assembly this year are likely to feature harsher anti-Madrid rhetoric, with the government's austerity plan offering a convenient whetstone on which to sharpen regional resentment.

"It's time to tighten our belts, but it's time for some people to do it more than others. Why? Because we have been paying for [the rest of] Spain more than others," said Oriol Pujol, the spokesman for Convergence and Union, an autonomy-minded opposition party that could take power after the elections this fall.

Up to the mid-1990s, nationalists such as Pujol relied on romantic notions of a shared identity to enlist the support of their fellow Catalans for greater self-rule, said Joan Botella, a professor of political science at the Autonomous University of Barcelona.

Since then, however, hundreds of thousands of migrants from other parts of Spain have settled in Catalonia, diluting the old-fashioned sense of Catalan solidarity.

So the rhetoric calling for more autonomy, or even a referendum on independence, has shifted. Newcomers from Andalusia or Aragon may shrug at warm-hearted appeals to protect Catalan culture, but they respond to hardheaded arguments about their tax money being spent on schools or hospitals far from Catalonia.

The euro debt crisis and Spain's economic troubles, including an unemployment rate of nearly 20%, only increase the resentment.

"There are many more pro-independence people who say that the crisis wouldn't happen if we were not part of Spain," Botella said.

If Catalonians had more control over the purse strings, there would be more public investment in research and development, to keep attracting talent from all over Europe, said Puigcercos, the leader of the Republican Left, one of the political parties in Catalonia's ruling coalition.

He and others would also like to see the region's seaports and airports upgraded to handle more international traffic — to Asia, for example — which would increase Catalonia's reach as an exporter.

But as long as they remain part of Spain, many residents see little chance of this happening.

"They keep saying no," said Pujol of the Convergence and Union party. "So there's nothing to do but jump over the wall and push for independence."

henry.chu@latimes.com

Tribute in Brittany to the Catalan President arrested by nazis and shot by Franco (1940)

LLuís Companys wes the only elected president to have been executed in the the whole 1936-1945 conflagration.

TRIBUTE TO COMPANYS AT LA BAULE/AR BAOL

Friday next, August 13th 2010 at 11.00, a tribute to Catalan president Lluís Companys at the small square at number 1 Avenue Ploërnel in La Baule, Brittany. Companys was arrested exactly 70 years ago, on August 13th 1940, by the Nazi Military police at number 5 of that same street.

A commemorative plaque is to be placed in the square in honour of President Companys At the act a couple of pieces of music associated with historic cellist Pau Casals will be played by Serafin Poulet.  The vice-President of Catalonia, Sr. JL Carod Rovira will make as speech as will the Mayor of La Baule. There will afterwards be a reception at La Baule City Hall and a popular meal. The image of President Companys that accompanies this text is called "Visca la Llibertat" and was specially commissioned for the event of Valencian artist Toni Miró feta per la comemoració.

A LITTLE HISTORY

During the year 1940, Lluís Companys, first elected president of the Generalitat of Catalonia (1934-1940) found a refuge in the Breton station of La Baule / Ar Baol. The pro-Franco police forces are after him and search in vain for him in Paris. The president of Catalonia found rest for a while with his wife and a nephew at 5 avenue de Ploërmel in the villa Ker Imor Vad which means The house of good mood.

In 2005, the son of the owners of this néo-Breton style house, a young adult in 1940, remembered meeting Lluís Companys. Why did Companys remain in La Baule instead of fleeing from the nazi invasion? Having left Paris, he thought of putting his son -suffering from a serious mental illness- at the seaside centre in Saint-Goustan in Le Croisic, a city nearby. According to some sources, Lluís Companys refused the proposal of Breton nationalist militants to leave for Ireland because his son was still in an establishment of the Paris region.

This offer is not surprising when one knows in particular the assistance brought by the Breton Yann Fouéré, as a high official, to members of the Basque government. This Breton militant had been able to provide identity papers for the Basque president, Jose Antonio Aguirre, who would reach the USA with his family after a long jounry under a false identity through Europe. The proximity of the harbour of Saint-Nazaire / Sant-Nazer and its Transatlantic connections in the direction of Cuba (1) and Vera Cruz may also be a reason of the presence of the Catalan president on the south coast of Brittany.

DOCUMENTS

The director of the Departmental Archives of Loire-Atlantique (2), spoke in 2008 of  "a card is kept in the name of his wife Companys born Carme Ballester, under the temporary label 3008 /W6. This card refers to a file at present in process of classification. It is about a request for a residence permit of January 1942 with mention that she is Louis Companys' widow and that she resides in avenue de Ploërmel at La Baule".
Refusing to forsake his son, Lluís Companys will be arrested by the Nazi Military Police on August 13th, 1940 in the villa Ker Imor Vad.

The nazis are accompanied by Pedro Urraca, a Francoist agent. This sinister agent – whose file in the Spanish Interior ministry is closed to access until 2021 – was at that time in charge of a network of Franco's police officers, who tracked down – with the complicity of the French State – Catalan and Spanish republican leaders who were trying to escape. It was the Spanish Embassy Attaché who first questioned the Catalan president in the Prison de la Santé in Paris under the authority of the Gestapo. Accompanied by a German officer, Urraca led Lluís Companys to Irun to deliver him to Franco's henchmen.

If, when under the responsibility of the Germans, Lluís Companys was correctly treated, when he arrived at the Safety Head Office in Madrid, the leader of free Catalonia had to undergo five weeks of tortures, vexations and various humiliations before being transferred to Barcelona on October 3rd. After a sham trial in the Fort of Montjuïc, he was condemned to death on October 14th. Until his last breath, he was an example of dignity and courage. On October 15th, 1940 at 6 30 am, before falling under the bullets, Lluís Companys
shouted with strength and firmness "Por Catalunya!". For Catalonia!

Acts at La Baule are to be followed by others in Barcelona (15th and 17th October). The refusal by the Madrid Government authorities to allow the Catalan Dignity Commission to hold a tribute ceremony at the spot where Companys was tortured in Madrid (at present, the very headquarters of the Madrid Government in the Puerta del Sol) is being studied by the Secretariat of the Comissió de la Dignitat, which will shortly issue a statement on the question.

+ info: Josep Cruanyes, campaign director
00 34 665 72 73 29 / 00 34 625 37 06 61
www.freedom.cat / www.comissiodeladignitat.cat
.

Castells: Human Towers from Catalonia



Recently, the goverment of Catalonia registered the 'Castells' in the candidate's list of the Unesco's Intangible Cultural Heritage. A 'Castell' is a human tower built traditionally in festivals at many locations within Catalonia. At these festivals, several 'colles castelleres' or teams often succeed in building and sustain a tower's structure for a certain length of time.

The tradition of building human towers originated in Valls, near the city of Tarragona, in the southern part of Catalonia towards the end of the 18th century. Later it developed a following in other regions of Catalonia even Majorca and, after prohibition under Franco, currently has become very popular in parts of Spain. However, the best and most skilled castellersare still found near Tarragona.

In Catalan the word 'castell' means castle. A 'castell' is considered a success when stages of its assembling and disassembling, can be done in complete succession. The assembly is complete once all castellers have climbed into their designated places, and the enxaneta climbs into place at the top and raises one hand with four fingers erect, in a gesture said to symbolize the stripes of the Catalan flag. Theexaneta then climbs down the other side of the castell, after which the remaining levels of castellers descend in highest-to-lowest order until all have reached safety.

Aside from the people who climb to form the upper parts of the tower, others are needed to form the pinya, or bottom base of the castell, to sustain its weight. Members of the pinya (most often men) [2] also act as a 'safety net' if the tower structure collapses, cushioning the fall of people from the upper levels.

The castell is built in two phases. First, the pinya the base of the tower is formed. People forming higher levels of the tower move to a position from which they can easily get to their place in the tower. This is done slowly and carefully,[3] and as subsequent base levels are completed the castellers in the pinya determine if their base is solid enough for construction to continue. Then, when the signal to proceed is given, bands begin to play traditional music as a hush comes over spectators of the event. The upper layers of the tower are built as quickly as possible in order to put minimal strain on the lowercastellers, who bear most of the weight of the castell. The disassembly of the castell, done amidst the cheering of the crowd, is often the most treacherous stage of the event.

There is a form of the Castell, generally referred to as 'rising', in which each successive layer is added from the bottom by lifting the castell into the air, stage by stage. It is held that this form takes even more skill and strength and a great deal of practice. Four levels complete have been observed and five attempted, but it is said that the record is six or perhaps seven.

Typically castellers wear white trousers, a black sash, a bandana and a coloured shirt often bearing the team's emblem. A differently coloured shirt indicates which team a participant is in. Team Castellers de Barcelona wear red shirts whileCastellers de Vilafranca wear green shirts.

The sash (faixa) is the most important part of their outfit, since it supports the lower back and is used by other castellers in the team as a foothold or handhold when climbing up the tower. This tasselled piece of cloth varies in length and width and depends on the casteller's position inside the tower and also on choice. The length of the sash ranges from 1.5 to 12 m, and usually is shorter for those higher up in the castell. Performing castellers usually go barefoot as to minimise injures upon each other as they climb to their position and also for sensitivity when balancing and to have better feel and hold each other.

Bullfights, again


The decision adopted by the Catalan Parliament on July 28 to extend to bullfights the existing prohibition of spectacles involving cruelty to animals has attracted much attention from international media.Col·lectiu Emma has already attempted to describe the circumstances surrounding this whole affair (links herehere and here) and would only like to recall now that the process that ended yesterday was first and foremost the result of a grassroots initiative promoted by animal-rights groups. There are also cultural issues involved that can be ascribed to the different sensibilities prevailing in Catalonia and in Spain. And, in the context of the traditional tensions between both societies, the matter has taken a political dimension, mostly as a result of the emotional and symbolic value that Spanish nationalism attaches to bullfights. Thus, unlike a similar law that was passed in the Canaries in 1991 and went practically unnoticed, this latest move in Catalonia has been interpreted as an attack by Catalan separatists against some basic component of the Spanish essence.

We believe that this is a triumph of civilization, and Catalans can be proud that their representatives have voted to banish such a barbaric custom from their land. We wouldn't think it necessary to make any more comments on this issue except for the furious reactions that have been observed in Spain in the last couple of days. Far from accepting an outcome that has been arrived at by democratic means, the Partido Popular plans to bring the matter before the Constitutional Court or, alternatively, to promote a state law declaring bullfights a "patrimony of cultural interest", in an attempt to override the Catalan decision. As to the press, "The nationalist farce puts an end to bullfights in Catalonia" or "The animals have won" (next to a photograph of the Catalan President and Vicepresident) are only some indicative headlines in the Madrid papers. The starchy ABC daily has gone as far as to publicize a new boycott on Catalan products that seems to be under way and, while it stops short of showing support, it appears to condone it when it warns, enigmatically, that "anything can happen when one plays with the ancestral genetics of a people" ("
Cataluña quiere toros. Pásalo").

Catalans have been the target of similar abuse and reprisals before, with various pretexts, most recently as a response to the announced reform of their home rule charter – the Estatut. So such examples of irrationality don't come as a suprise in these parts, but we think that pointing them out may help foreign observers to put things in their right perspective when trying to understand the spiny relationship between Catalonia and Spain.

Catalans would vote in favour of independence

by directe.cat / 3 December 2009


A macro-survey by the Open University of Catalonia (UOC), of 2,614 people, organized by Miquel Strubell, reveals the overwhelming results: 50.3% would vote Yes in a referendum on self-determination, only 17.8% would vote against, with 7.2% undecided. It is the first time that a scientific poll reveals this data. The poll also exposed that 83% of those polled believe that Catalonia has the right to freely and democratically decide its own political future, and only 15% of the total did not.



The survey to which directe!cat had access, reveals that the principal motives of those in favor of a Yes vote are due, in certain percentages, to emotional reasons— for example, 29.6% admit that they are simply tired of Spain—, but combined with other reasons based on economics and democracy. In contrast, the group that mostly called on their feelings and personal convictions when deciding hjow to vote were those voting against independence. They believe that it would be economically unviable, and that it might generate a conflict or that the laws don't cover it.



[Translation of Graph:


Motives for voting in favor
Motives for voting against
Motives for abstaining
Base in favor: 1,276
Base against: 438
Base abstaining: 607
It would be a peaceful and democratic way: 65.7%
Feelings or convictions 60.8%
It's not my place to decide: 38.4%
Economic reasons: 62.3%
It would be unviable economically: 29.3%
Feelings or convictions: 29.2%
Feelings or convictions: 58.6%
The law doesn't allow for it: 25.9%
I would be scared of repercussions: 25.7%
Linguistic or cultural reasons: 56.4%
I would be scared of repercussions: 25.7%
The law doesn't allow for it: 20.6%
Tired of Spain: 29.6%
None of the above: 5.8%
It would be economically unviable: 18.5%
None of the above: 0.9%
Don't know: 0.9%
None of the above: 13.9%
Don't know: 0.5%

Don't know: 3.2%
No answer: 0.1%

No answer: 0.4%

The study was made on a map of six zones. By territories, the Girona counties are those that have the most affirmative votes (64.5%). Right behind them is the zone of central counties, with 64.2% in favor. The Terres de l'Ebre (63.4%) would also vote in favor, as would those of Ponent (56.3%). Under 50% there are only two zones: that of Camp de Tarragona, with 47.2% and that of Barcelona, which falls to 46.3%. It's important to note, however, that the Yes vote would be the winning option in all zones and that it is in Tarragona (25.9%) and not Barcelona (19.8%) in which there is the highest percentage of No votes for the Independence of Catalonia.



But the study also underlines one of the chronic difficulties of Catalanism and Independentism: the lack of confidence in their own ability to achieve independence. 58.1% of those polled believe that Catalonia will not get to be independent. Only 31.1% believe that it will, along with 10.7% that is not sure and thus, has no opinion.

Barcelona opened the campaign for independence



by Unitá Naziunale

On Sunday 13th December 705,000 people are entitled to vote in the consultations for catalan sovereignty.  In two weeks more than one hundred cities and towns will held the referendum on independence. Barcelona has hosted a ceremony this afternoon to be a 'demonstration of force' with the intervention of various figures of the Catalan social life.


Carles Mora, the mayor of Arenys de Munt where the 13th September hold the first consultation on independence, said that 'it is time to end the expose, slavery and humiliation' from Spain over Catalonia, to build 'a rich, noble and happy country « and added later that democracy always prevail:' Freedom is not for sale.'


Leader of Decidim.cat and mayor of Sant Pere de Torello, Jordi Fabregat, said that the council 'may not deny the use of infrastructure paid by citizens with their taxes « , in reference to the ban imposed by the Court of Spain, to forbid to lend municipal spaces to do the referendum.
Different catalan personalities will close the events, the most striking will be the president of Futbol Club Barcelona, Joan Laporta, ending the campaign in Vic.

Right to vote will be given to people over 16 years and « there will be no discrimination by nationality » because they are entitled to vote those citizens who are registered in the municipalities where the consultation takes place, whatever their nationality.


To enhance the transparency of the process, the organization of consultations will allow the presence of media throughout the day on 13th December, including the process of vote counting, an option recommended in UN the best practices code.

Notifications were sent to the European Commission, United Nations and to the monitoring of electoral processes institute as the Carter Center to have knowledge of the event and to send observers if they wish.

Catalonia's Dignity

by Catalonia Today


In an unprecedented move, all the Catalan newspapers have joined together to issue the same statement on their front covers about the legal decision pending on the future of Catalonia. Almost three years have passed while the Constitutional Tribunal has dragged its collective feet in reaching a decision on the Catalan Estatut, the central document defining Catalonia's status and relationship with the Spanish state.

First published in 2006 and thrice democratically approved: first by voters through a referendum; secondly by Parliament and thirdly by the Head of State King Juan Carlos, the law has been batted back and forth to the point that serious doubts have been raised as to the validity of the process. It will be the first time since the restoration of democracy in 1977 that a tribunal will make a decision on a law that has been fundamentally approved by voters. Expectation is high.

One of the main causes of concern has been the the membership of the tribunal itself Out of the twelve judges that make up the tribunal, only ten are allowed to decide upon the official outcome as one (Pablo Pérez Tremps) has been disenfranchised after a deliberate move to influence the balance of the debate, and another (Roberto García-Calvo) died. Out of the ten judges able to vote, four remain in office despite losing their mandate as a consequence of the sordid disagreement between the government and the opposition over the renewal of an entity recently named by José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero as the 'Heart of Democracy'. A heart with hardened valves and no more than half of its parts neither free or able to reach an independent decision. This is the make up of the cassation court about to make a decision on Catalonia's Estatut.

The definition of Catalonia as a nation forms the opening part of the the Estatut. Matters of language and jurisdiction are central to the issue and have been cause of a constant friction which many people consider can only be cured through radical surgery: amputation of the Spanish state.
The Catalan press expressed concern that Catalonia has reached a cross roads and an important decision has to made about future direction. They reiterated the feeling that for too long Catalonia has been depicted by others as the thorn in the side of a strong unified Spain and underlined the annoyance caused by the continuous lack of respect shown towards its institutions, economic infrastructure, language and cultural traditions. They also pointed out that, despite this negative treatment, Catalonia has continued to make a huge contribution to the finances of the Spanish state while receiving little fiscal benefit in return.

An important part of the concluding part of this joint declaration was a warning that nobody should underestimate the determination of the Catalan people to have a satisfactory outcome to this judicial process: 'Nobody who knows Catalonia would doubt that a recognition of its identity, improvement in its self-government, a just financial agreement and marked improvement in infrastructures are, and will continue to be, pursued with due political and social vigour.'

700,000 Catalans will be able to vote for Independence on December 13

by Vilaweb

Six-hundred, twenty-three thousand Catalans, at least, will be able to vote in the referendum on Independence that will be held on December 13 in more than 100 towns in the Principat* (see a pdf of the list with the population of each). Everyone sixteen or older listed in the census of those towns will be eligible to vote, regardless of their nationality. It is believed that before the list is completed, in mid November, there will be many more town included.

In the last few days, important steps have been achieved in organizing the referendums, especially in Osona, where the executive director of Osona Decideix, Alfons López Tena has formally requested that there be international observers at the referendums and there is also a plan for the represented political parties to authorize voters. Each week, meanwhile, more towns approve motions in support of the referendums in their council meetings.

Catalan, a minority language?


How do we define a minority language?
Catalan is spoken by 10.8 million in 4 countries and is considered a minority language.
Gaelic is spoken by 60,000 approx. in Scotland.

Though the number of Catalan speakers is so much higher than Scottish Gaelic speakers, it maintains its minority language status because it doesn't have a state. Are they both minority languages to the same extent? (...)

Newcomers to Catalonia are not obliged to learn Catalan, however they are strongly advised to because it will impact upon their ability to find employment. The Consortium for Linguistic Normalisation is given instructions by the Catalan Parliament and aims and objectives are formulated. There are 22 centres throughout Catalonia which tailor these aims and objectives for their own area so that they can facilitate adult learning in the Catalan language. Citizen participation and engamenent is fundamental, and Catlan speakers are encouraged to volunteer to help learners of the language. Learners of Catalan say that they are made to feel very welcome and that makes it easier for them. 

Catalan is the language of the community and it is not seen as the responsibility of the schools to develop the language in the home. (...)

Alicia Company from the Consortium for Linguistic Normalisation spoke about how non-Catalan speakers who move into Catalonia are supported in order to learn the language and become immersed in the Culture.

They have a mentoring system, where a Catalan speaker is paired with a non-Catalan speaker in order to help the non-Catalan speaker learn the language. There are very strong links between institutions and newcomers in order to make them feel welcome.

The culture of new citizens is to be valued and recognised, and in turn the new citizens will embrace the culture and language of the receiving community and they become part of the community's identity.

They achieve this in a variety of ways. A book has been produced by the centre in El Prat called Simbols recognises the origins of the immigrant people and the diversity of cultures, but also shows the ability of all people of different cultures to come together. It promotes linguistic and cultural diversity and sees it as a positive factor. The book looks at the different symbols of the world and what they mean to individual cultures. 

Every year, parents and members of the community come together to put on a theatre production for the children of El Prat. This is performed entirely in Catalan and it shows the collaboration between parents and children and the value they place in the Catalan language and community.

The vast majority of people living in Catalonian have the will to learn and communicate in Catalan. In order to live fully within the community, in terms of work and making friends, it is not just advisable to learn Catalan, but a necessity. (...)

Today we saw in action what we had been told about yesterday and on Tuesday,

We visited two primary schools and a secondary school in El Prat and were given the opportunity to speak with teachers and see classrooms. We saw how the Immersion Classrooms operate, where children from different countries who have come to live in Catalonia after pre-school age (3-5). 

New students from outwth Catalonia are taken out of class only when the whole class are doing language work in Catalan to work with the immersion teacher, which is similar to EAL provision in Scotland. Active learning and learning in context is used, not only for school vocabulary, but also to develop everyday vocabulary.

One thing which was evident was the cooperation that exists between schools, between sectors and with the community. Teachers from other schools get together regularly to share materials and professional dialogue, and they also come up with inter-school and community projects. Members of the community who have something to contribute and are Catalan speakers are encouraged to come into schools and to run or become involved in projects.

Hotbeds of separatism in modern Europe

By RIA Novosti


Today, Europe is the venue of both integration and separatist processes. Experts have calculated that in the 21st century more than 10 new states may emerge in Europe.

Basque Country is the most traditional example of European separatism. In Spain, about two million Basques live in three provinces of what is called Basque Country. It has broader powers than other Spanish regions; the living standards are above the average; and Basque is recognized as an official language. But despite this devolution deal, the advocates of secession from Spain (to be merged with the Basque-populated part of France) are not going to stop at that.

Francisco Franco was responsible for the growth of separatism - the Basques were not allowed to publish books and newspapers; conduct instruction in Basque (native name - euskara); give children Basque names or put out their national flag. Euskadi Ta Askatasuna or ETA (Basque for "Basque Homeland and Freedom") was set up in 1959 as an anti-Franco party. Franco has long been dead and the Basque country has received the autonomous status, but this does not prevent the Basque terrorists from fighting. More than 900 people have fallen victim to the struggle for "independence."

Catalonia, an autonomous province in the north-east of Spain is also a headache for Madrid. Having their own language and culture, the Catalans have always stressed their separate identity in Spain. Their province enjoys extensive autonomy in Spain, a constitutional monarchy. Relations with the central government in Madrid are being regulated by a separate charter. In 2005, the new version of the charter said that the Catalans are a separate nation. However, there are dozens of parties and public organizations in the region, mostly left-wing, which are advocating cessation from Spain. Their goal is to hold a referendum on independence until 2014.

Another Spanish province, Valencia, received a new autonomous status in July 2007.

France has a long-standing experience of resisting separatism and extremism on its territory, above all in the Mediterranean island of Corsica. The Corsican national groups clashed with the French army in the middle 1970s. The Corsican Nationalist Union and the Movement for Self-Determination are the biggest and most influential among these groups. Both have combat units. In the last 25 years, the island's status was upgraded twice - in 1982 and 1990 the local authorities were given increasingly broad powers in the economy, agriculture, energy industry, transportation, education, and culture. Several years ago, French parliament recognized the existence of the Corsican nation. This decision was later cancelled as contradicting the Constitution of the French Republic.

The Breton Revolutionary Army (BRA) has operated in Bretagne, a north-western French province, since the early 1970s. The descendants of the Celts, who once came from the British Isles, do not identify themselves fully with the French, or consider themselves special among other French citizens. During censuses, many of them call themselves Bretons although put French as their native tongue. The BRA (apparently named by analogy with the Irish Republican Army - IRA) belongs to the extremist wing of the nationalist movement Emgann, which is fighting against the "French oppressors."

In Italy, the separatist attitudes are strong in the industrially advanced northern regions. The influential League of the North has so far given up its demand of secession and insists on Italy becoming a federation. There are also people wishing to see South Tirol, which Italy received after WWI, reunited with Austria.

Belgium may separate into northern Flanders (whose residents speak Dutch and are leaning towards the Netherlands) and southern French-speaking Wallonia. This confrontation between Belgium's two linguistic communities is rooted in the beginning of Belgium's independent history when the Walloons and the Flemish formed a union against the Netherlands. Having once united in the name of freedom, they have been trying to break apart for almost two centuries. Appeals for independence are growing stronger and stronger - the economically advanced Flanders does not want to "feed" the Walloon Region. The polls show that more than 60% of the Flemish and over 40% of the Walloons believe that Belgium may disintegrate.

In Britain, the separatist attitudes have moved from Ulster to Scotland. The recent Scottish parliamentary elections were won by the supporters of the formation of a new independent state from the Scottish National Party (SNP). The head of the Scottish government Alex Salmond declared that Scotland may become independent within a decade. So far, only 23% of Scots support the idea of their independence (as compared with 30% a year ago). However, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown (the current British Prime Minister) warned in the press that Britain would be threatened with "Balkanization" if the 300 year-long union between England and Scotland continued weakening.

Denmark's Faeroe Islands are a semi-autonomous territory, living on the government's subsidies of almost $170 million a year. This fact is a restraint for the local separatists, although seven years ago they tried to conduct a referendum on independence.

Quiet Switzerland also has its own separatists. The Front for the Liberation of Yura has been demanding this canton's independence from the confederation for over 30 years. At one time, Yura inhabited by French-speaking Catholics was transferred to the canton of Bern with its predominantly German-speaking Protestant population. The Front's leaders admit that their chances of success are minimal.

Vojvodina is a Serbian autonomous region located some 35 km (22 miles) away from Belgrade. The Alliance of Vojvodina's Magyars, whose representatives control almost 70% of the region's territory, demand a republican status for the region, a referendum on secession from Serbia and a confederation with Hungary. Late last March, the Association asked the European Union to send a mission to study the situation. Hungarians now account for more than 40% of the region's population.

A similar scenario is developing in Romanian Transylvania (in 1940-1945 it belonged to Hungary; in 1919-1939 to Romania; and before that to Austria-Hungary). The percentage of Hungarians there already exceeds 45%. The Union for the Revival of Hungarian Transylvania, set up under Ceausescu, has already held referendums on territorial autonomy in three Transylvanian districts late last March. The local Hungarians expressed themselves for the maximal autonomy from Bucharest and independent relations with Budapest.

The "anti-colonial" raids have become more frequent in Italian Sardinia, and in the Austrian provinces of Stiria and particularly Carinthia, mostly populated by the Croatians and Slovenians. The South Albanian Greeks and the residents of the Portuguese Azores have also become increasingly active in demanding autonomy.

Kosovo, with a 90% ethnic-Albanian majority, has been formally recognized as a sovereign state by over 55 countries including the U.S. and most EU members since it proclaimed its independence from Serbia on February 17, 2008.

 

Time: 'Catalonia Moves to Ban Bullfighting'

Times


To understand the state of bullfighting in Spain's northeastern Catalonia region, you need look no further than Las Arenas. The striking, late 19th century arena with faux Moorish arches, located near Barcelona's central Plaza de España, once pulled in thousands of bullfighting aficionados for the traditional — and gory — Sunday corrida (the Spanish word for "bullfight"). Today, it is being converted into a shopping mall.

After decades of both intense anti-bullfighting activism and benign neglect (Las Arenas hasn't hosted a bullfight since 1990), Catalonia may become the first of Spain's autonomous regions to officially ban the sport. At the end of October, the Catalan parliament will begin the first round of voting on a popular initiative that seeks to outlaw bullfighting completely — and establish one more difference between the region and the rest of Spain. If the initiative survives the vote, lawmakers can propose amendments before a final vote is held, probably by end of year. 

"It's a sign of popular support for the measure that we were able to collect 180,000 signatures — three times the number we needed to present a legal initiative before parliament," says Jennifer Berengueras, spokeswoman for Prou (the word means "enough" in the Catalan language), the association that organized the campaign.

Indeed, Catalonia has long led the movement to do away with what is still referred to in Spain as the "national fiesta." In 2003, the region passed a sweeping animal-protection law that, among its many measures, restricted towns without bullrings from building them and prohibited all children under age 14 from attending a corrida by placing the equivalent of an R movie rating on the event. The following year, Barcelona's municipal government declared the Catalan capital an "anti-bullfighting city" in a nonbinding resolution; 70 other Catalan towns and cities have since followed suit.

Why are so many Catalans opposed to bullfighting? Some point to the region's generally progressive political tendencies, especially when it comes to animal rights. "As a coastal [region], Catalonia has always looked toward the rest of Europe, so certain sensibilities and ideas enter here first," explains Oriol Batista, a city councilman in Mataró, a town that was among the first to impose a no-kill law for abandoned pets.

But in this highly autonomous region, others see the rejection of bullfighting as a rejection of Spain itself — and thus a promotion, in the Manichean logic of such things, of Catalan identity. In Catalonia, after all, people dance sardanas instead of flamenco, prefer their death-defying feats in the form of castellers (human towers comprised of people standing on the shoulders of others in ever-smaller circles) and turn every Barça vs. Real Madrid match into a bout for national honor. More substantively — and controversially — the region requires all students to be educated in the Catalan language and is engaged in an ongoing series of debates with the country's central administration in Madrid over governance of the region's infrastructure. For many, bullfighting — especially given its association with the Franco regime, which promoted it as a unifying national spectacle in the 20th century — fits squarely into an "us vs. them" mentality. (Read "Barcelona vs. Real Madrid: More Than a Game.")

"Bullfighting used to be extremely popular in Catalonia," says Matthew Tree, a Barcelona-based author who writes frequently on Catalan identity. "But things change. Franco made it a bastion of fascist Spain, and that switched off a lot of Catalans. It was forced on them as this aggressively Spanish thing, and that was offensive to them."

Tree lives near Barcelona's one remaining bullring — the city used to have three — and he collected signatures in favor of the initiative to ban the sport. As he describes it, the only people who regularly fill the stands are tourists. "You get all these drunken tourists who come and yell their heads off as an animal is brutally killed. And they're only there because they think they're in a normal part of Spain, and that's what you do in Spain."

But Josep Rull, congressman for Convergence I Unio (CiU), a centrist nationalist party, objects to that depiction. "This is not about Catalonia rejecting Spain," he says. "We have our own long tradition of bullfighting. This is about Catalans rejecting bullfighting from within our own tradition because our values have changed."

CiU's deputies are likely to cast the critical deciding votes on the initiative in parliament. Although some pro-autonomy parties like the Catalan Republican Left will be voting for the motion in a bloc, the more conservative CiU is allowing its deputies to vote their conscience. And that may just be enough to pass the ban. "There are some within the party who see bullfighting as a tradition worth protecting," says Rull. "But there's a larger group — I count myself among them — that believes we shouldn't treat the torture of animals as a public spectacle anymore."

Luis Alcántara is afraid that group will be large enough to undo 11 years of work. Since 1998, he has run a bullfighting school in Hospitalet, just outside Barcelona. His enrollments were hurt by the under-14 provision of the animal-cruelty law that was passed in 2003, and these days, he has only nine students practicing their capework on an abandoned football field. He worries that the initiative will put him out of business altogether. "Nobody here really hears about us," he says. "We go to a corrida and then go home until the following Sunday, and we don't have any power. But there are plenty of Catalans who still love the bulls."

The president of FC Barcelona calls people to rise against those who mistreat Catalonia

by Liz Castro /
NewsCatalonia


The president of F.C. Barcelona, Joan Laporta, has made a call to "rise up and face those who treat Catalonia with intransigence every day of the year." (audio) Laporta made the statement in a speech that he gave this morning at Montjuïc Castle, after participating in the torch march organized by Esquerra to give homage to Lluís Companys on the anniversary of his execution by firing squad. Also today, the Generalitat will ask the Spanish Supreme Court to revise Companys' sentence, so that it be nullified.

"The memory of that assassination must make us speak clearly and stop making us afraid, and it should help us act accordingly all the rest of the year," declared Laporta, who asked himself what Companys would think if he could judge what Catalonia is doing currently. And, accompanied by the president of Esquerra, Joan Puigcercós, he remarked, "They often try to silence politicans by appealing to your wish for the common good. They've tried to silence me as well, many times." (audio) Laporta also remembered the former president of Barça, Josep Sunyol, who was also executed by the Franquist regime.

Catalonia, 'political colony'

For his part, Joan Puigcercós praised Companys and defended political discourse as the tool that permits going forward in a difficult moment. Puigcercós added that "social justice" and the liberty of Catalonia is "the same thing".

Puigcercós added that "it's all downhill from here", since "the most difficult part has passed". "That resurgent Spain that seemed like it was going to be a new power in Europe," he said, "is a model that is entering a situation of economic and political crisis, like the Spain that lost its colonies in Cuba and the Phillipines." According to Puigcercós, "there remain other colonies, like Catalonia, a political colony that hopes to emancipate itself."

Petition to nullify the sentence against Companys

The government of Catalonia will meet today in an extraordinary plenary to demand from the Spanish Supreme Court the revision of the sentence against Companys. "This has been a pending matter for the Catalan government, and it comes a bit late," said Josep Cruanyes, the spokesperson for the Commission for Dignity. It required the petition of a whole range of entities to pressure the government to ask for the nullification of the sentence.

Cruanyes has asked the Catalan Executive to, if the Spanish Supreme Court does not revise the sentence, continue to demand its nullification until it succeeds. For now, the Catalan government must approve an agreement that invites the Catalan attorney general to ask the Spanish Supreme Court to revise the sentence. This is because, with respect to revising sentences, the only ones who can intervene are the defendents, their relatives, or the attorney general. In accordance with the law of criminal justice, the body with the power to settle a suit for revision, and to declare, if that were the outcome, the nullification of the given sentence, is the Spanish Supreme Court.

"The Spanish government has not done its job"

"The Spanish Executive should get involved and work toward the revision of Companys' sentence," according to Cruanyes, who thinks that the Spanish government has not done its job. He also believes that, if the Spanish Supreme Court denies the revision of the sentence, it will be the responsibility of the Spanish Executive.

The Spanish government has not made any progress toward stopping the process against Companys, despite promises made by the Vice-president, María Teresa Fernández de la Vega, five years ago at Montjuïc. When she heard about the initiative by the Catalan government, De la Vega only said that she "respected" it, but that it was the courts who have the "word on this decision, and not the Spanish government". Similarly, the previous Spanish Minister of Justice, Mariano Fernández Bermejo, when he was asked a year ago, how the Spanish Supreme Court would act in case of a suit of nullification of the sentence, answered that he couldn't know and noted that the decree of the development of the law of Historical Memory was still in the State Council.

The act of moral reparation of Companys

For now, Zapatero's government has limited itself to acts of moral reparation for Companys, as the president's granddaughter, Maria Lluïsa Gally and the Interior minister, Joan Saura, asked Bermejo for a year ago. In effect, Gally finally received, yesterday in Mexico, the document of moral reparation from the current Spanish Minister of Justice, Francisco Camaño. But the ex-president's granddaughter said that the document only has meaning if it serves to achieve the nullification of the summary judgment against Companys. The Minister of the Interior, Joan Saura, sees it similarly, and said, "The reparation of Company's memory is the first step in the nullification of the sentence that condemned him."

Lluís Companys is the only European president to be elected democratically and then executed by a fascist regime. His execution by firing squad was sentenced by the War Council of General Officials, held in Barcelona on October 14, 1940, which accused him of rebellion. A sentence which has never been annulled and that the government is now asking be revoked.

The first steps, a year ago

A year ago, Saura and Companys' granddaughter met with Bermejo to ask for an act of moral reparation for the president. Among the documents they gave him were a letter from Companys' granddaughter that says her grandfather was executed because he was "the maximum institutional representation of the Generalitat de Catalonia." This was the first step so that the Spanish Supreme Court could begin the paperwork necessary for the nulllification of the military sentence that was handed down without due process.

Catalan Mayors Plan Independence Vote in Challenge to Zapatero

By Emma Ross-Thomas / Bloomberg.com


More than 100 towns in Catalonia voted to hold referendums proposing independence from Spain, an attempt to press national leaders to heed their views. The 117 unofficial referendums will take place on Dec. 12, Feb. 28 and April 25, Jordi Fabrega, spokesman of the Decidim.cat initiative said in a telephone interview after a meeting of around 100 mayors and municipal representatives near Barcelona on Oct. 3. The movement includes representatives from all political parties except the People's Party, the biggest national opposition group, he said.

"As the constitution prohibits it, we decided to do it ourselves in a very democratic way," Fabrega said. Private entities will organize the voting to avoid legal problems for the town halls, which are not allowed to hold referendums. "There's no stopping us now."

The polls, which have no legal weight, are an attempt to exert pressure on the government of Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero to allow Catalans to decide whether they want to remain part of Spain. They will follow a similar poll in the village of Arenys de Munt on Sept. 13, where 96 percent favored independence. Described by the government as illegal and unconstitutional, the referendums may also stir unease in the capitals of other European countries such as the U.K., France and Belgium where separatists are pushing for more autonomy.

"It may cause a frisson of concern if they seem to give others what would be perceived to be false hope," said Hugo Brady, Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for European Reform, a London-based think-tank.

Spain's 1978 constitution ended an almost 40-year dictatorship and established a system of autonomous regions with varying degrees of self-government, including Catalonia and the Basque Country, both of which have their own police and use co- official languages. Rather then defuse nationalism, the return to democracy and entry into the European Union fueled tensions. The Basque terror group ETA has killed more than 800 people in its campaign for independence.

Catalonia's economy is the biggest in Spain, accounting for almost 20 percent of gross domestic product. Its capital, Barcelona, is home to Spain's largest gas company, Gas Natural SDG SA and third-largest lender by assets, La Caixa. Joan Costa i Font, a lecturer in European social policy at the London School of Economics, said the referendums were a "laboratory experiment to test the central state reaction," and a "first step towards a large-scale referendum backed by the Catalan parliament." More than half of Catalans favor some kind of break with the central government, according to a poll in July by the regional government. Nineteen percent backed outright independence with another 32 percent saying it should be a state within a federal Spain, the poll said.

The regional government is a coalition including Socialists and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, a republican party which favors independence from Spain and counts Welsh, Corsican, Flemish, and Scottish nationalists among its allies in the European Parliament. The Scottish administration, led by the Scottish National Party, intends to hold a referendum on independence for 2010, which First Minister Alex Salmond said Sept. 23 may include an option allowing voters to opt for greater autonomy rather than full independence from the U.K.

Catalonia pays homage to independence

By Victor Mallet / Arenys de Munt
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2009.


A quiet country town, with an unpaved main street that doubles as a
river bed for flash floods from the hills, Arenys de Munt seems an
unlikely starting point for a revolution.

But when the town north of Barcelona held a referendum last month and
voted overwhelmingly in favour of Catalonia's secession from Spain
(with 96 per cent of the 2,671 who voted saying Yes to independence)
it spawned dozens of copycat referendum plans across the region.

A few fascist falangistas arrived in Arenys that day to demonstrate in
favour of Spanish unity and damp the festive atmosphere, while
moderate unionists stayed away – limiting the turnout to 41 per cent –
and called the vote a flawed publicity exercise with no constitutional
force.

The vote, however, reflects long frustration among Catalonia's 7.4m
inhabitants with the way their autonomous region is treated by Madrid
– and growing excitement among a passionate minority that independence
is a real possibility, whether by referendum or a unilateral
declaration of independence in the Catalan parliament.

"I think in 2010 independence can peacefully be fulfilled," says
Carles Móra i Tuxans, the mayor, arguing that wavering Catalans
(latest opinion polls show only 19 per cent want full independence)
can be persuaded to support secession if only they understand how much
they would benefit financially.

"Spain has limited us and marginalised us," agrees Carolina Moya, a
shopkeeper who runs a household goods store in the town. "Now the
government knows what all the Catalans think."

Like many Catalans, she believes that Spain takes more budget money
from prosperous Catalonia than it puts in (true) and that other
Spaniards enjoy special privileges (false). "We have to pay very high
taxes. If you go to the rest of Spain, you don't pay motorway tolls
and houses are cheaper," she says. "All this comes from the Middle
Ages. But now it's worse."

For a supposed nation in waiting, surprisingly little is known abroad
about Catalonia or its history as a Mediterranean power absorbed by
Spain.

George Orwell's Homage to Catalonia is neither a homage nor about
Catalonia, but a mixture of reportage and analysis of the Spanish
civil war. Among the few Catalan nationalists whose names might mean
something to foreigners today is Joan Laporta, chairman of the
Barcelona football club.

It was the global crisis that poked into flames a Catalan nationalism
already smouldering with resentments about language, culture and a
strong work ethic compared unfavourably by Catalans with the languor
of Castilians and Andalucians.

Mr Móra, the mayor, says his town and half the Catalan municipalities
are financially "ruined", in part because the central government is
not paying its share of the bills and in part because local tax income
has collapsed along with the property market.

With the €60m ($88m, £55m) transferred each day to the rest of Spain,
Catalonia could build 12 schools or eight homes for the elderly, he
says. "It's brutal; they are bleeding us . . . Now it's not about
language and literature. This is what annoys Spain. For the first time
in its history, the independence movement is coming via people's
purses."

For Diego Sánchez Simón, local head of the Spanish unionist Popular
party, that is exactly the point. Politicians such as Mr Móra, he
says, seek to distract attention from the near-bankruptcy of their
fiefs and the decline of public services by shouting about Catalan
nationalism, a phenomenon that is made worse by the approach of
Catalan regional elections next year.

Mr Sánchez calls himself a proud Catalan, but says Catalans "have this
mania for being victims, for saying that we're being robbed or
despoiled".

One of the extraordinary aspects of modern Catalan nationalism is how
little it has to do with ethnicity. More than a third of the
inhabitants were born outside the region, and many eager nationalists
(including Ms Moya) have roots in Andalucia in southern Spain, or as
far away as north Africa or northern Europe.

Still, the numerical weight of politically moderate cities such as
Barcelona means Catalan independence will be a long time coming, if it
comes at all.

Even in Arenys, not everyone thinks secession is a good idea. "It's
all nonsense and it won't go anywhere," says José López, a garage
mechanic. "I'm Spanish."

And even nationalists know it will not be easy. "It would be a good
idea, but we'll never see it," says Ms Moya. "Spain will never let go,
because Catalonia brings in lots of money that helps the other
regions."

Independence referendums in Catalonia

By Catalonia Blog

After the successful referendum in Arenys de Munt many towns and cities around Catalonia have decided to join the initiative. We haven't yet figured out what the outcome of this wave of local non-binding referendums on the independence of Catalonia will be, but from my point of view it will serve at least two goals. In the first place, it pushes the independence issue up in the political agenda, forcing parties to take a position (ICV, for example, has joined PP and PSOE in several towns on the side against referendums) and boosting the public debate in the media as well as in the street, which hopefullywill keep its momentum until the next Catalan elections next year.

Secondly, these referendums force the collaboration of all those in favour of a Catalan state, from political parties (mainly ERC, CDC, CUP, Reagrupament, etc) to local entities and associations. Since we must ensure each referendum is a success in terms of participation, each of them needs close teamwork, implication and responsability, which is something we haven't cultivated much lately. Actually, despite the feeling that the number of Catalans supporting a Catalan state has been growing, we have managed to keep divided and uncoordinated. Now, every new referendum is both a challenge and an opportunity to bring people back together around the same goal, trying to forget about past differences that have made us historically weaker. 

We must exercise this cooperation, make it stronger and enduring because it is exactly what we will need the day we celebrate the official, binding refeferendum. It is thus time to be generous and wise enough to put priorities first because we might very well be at a decisive turning point.

Cruyff offered job of managing Catalonia football team

The Catalan football federation has offered the job of managing their regional team to former Barcelona coach Johan Cruyff, who will give his response within a few days, Catalunya Radio reported late Sunday. Cruyff, 62, has not coached at all since being sacked by Barça in 1996, after guiding the Catalan giants to four Spanish league titles and one Champions Cup in a successful eight-year spell.He played for Barca between 1973 and 1978, after leading Dutch club Ajax to three successive Champions Cup triumphs.

The national team of Catalonia, which has existed since 1984, does not compete in international tournaments but does play several prestigious friendlies every year. Opinion polls demonstrate that more than half of all Catalans would like their team to be able to play in FIFA and UEFA tournaments. Jordi Casals, the new president of the Catalan national federation, is keen to raise the profile of the team by bringing in a high-profile coach such as Cruyff.

Casals has not given details of the offer made to Cruyff, nor has he made it clear whether the job will continue to be a part-time post or become full-time. According to Catalunya Radio, if Cruyff turns the offer down the job will then be offered to current Barca coach Josep Guardiola, who was a pivotal figure in Cruyff's 'Dream Team' in the 1990s, or to Espanyol boss Mauricio Pochettino.


Catalonia Influences in the Caribbean

By IPS / Havana Times


Even without meaning to highlight it, the opening of the cultural program "Catalonian Influences in the Caribbean" evoked the various periods in which Catalonia too was a country of emigrants.

For reasons of an economic, political or other nature, the richly endowed American possessions of the Spanish crown - or the newly independent republics, depending on the historical moment - once represented the dream of a better life for many catalans.  Refugees of wars and dictatorships hoped they would find their second homeland in this new world.

With the aim of recovering and strengthening the cultural and emotional bonds between Catalonia and Spanish-speaking Caribbean nations, the program "Catalonian Influences in the Caribbean" was organized by the Casa América Cataluña, considered to be the first institution of its type in the world.

The very origin of that institution was based in nostalgia, because it was started by emigrants who returned to the peninsula after the loss of the former colonies - particularly the last two, Cuba and Puerto Rico.  In Barcelona they first founded the Club Americano, in 1911, the predecessor of the Casa América Cataluña.

According to Marta Nin, the deputy director of the Casa América Cataluña (CAC), this was a meeting place for "those who felt nostalgia for life on the new continent - for the coffee, the soil, the music and the conversations they would never again enjoy." It was a place where they could stave off these yearnings.

CAC is now a non-profit organization that works to spread Latin American culture in Catalonia, as well as that of Catalonia throughout Latin America.  The program "began its tour in the Dominican Republic with an exhibit of the work of Catalonian-born photographer Wifredo García Doménech."

The program then traveled to Puerto Rico, where renowned catalan cellist, director and composer Pau Casals resided in 1956, and where the annual Casals Festivals have been organized ever since 1957.  Organized with the collaboration of the Pablo Casals Foundation and the University of San Juan, the exhibit "Pau Casals and Life in Exile" was dedicated to his memory.

Cuba was the last stop on this journey to the Americans, though the closing of the event will be held in Catalonia in 2010.  At that time, many of the peninsula's traditions and customs that continue to flourish in the Caribbean will be presented.

Upon arriving on Cuban soil, "Influences" had the cities of Havana and Matanzas as its backdrop. In Matanzas, large religious celebrations were held dedicated to the Virgin of Montserrat, the patron of Catalonia, on which is based certain lasting traditions such as the "Colla of Montserrat," the theme of a film that was also presented.

The "Colla" comes from an ancient pagan ritual related to agriculture, although this time it involved a large choir of men carrying enormous kitchen utensils (ladles, forks, knives, skillets and pans) as they sang entertaining songs.  In 1895, the last procession under catalan rule was organized in Matanzas (though the festivities were reintroduced in 1902, until their permanent ending in 1925).

The attendance of these events in Cuba by Josep Lluís Carod-Rovira, the vice-president of the Generalitat de Catalunya; Marta Nin and Joseph Baragalló, director of the Ramón Llul Institute, one of the driving forces behind the program, confirmed the importance that has been placed on this cultural exchange.

In his introductory remarks, Carod-Rovira referred to "Catalonian Influences in the Caribbean" as a true success, as he went to retrace the saga of his compatriots on the island.

Inaugurated for the occasion was the exhibit "Barcelona-Havana: The Modernist Mirror." Featuring the artistry of Catalonian photographer Pilar Aymerich, this was described as a valuable work in which the artist's lens brought to light the influence of Catalonian modernism on Cuban architecture as well as decorative art, as reflected in furniture design and funerary sculpture.

It was not a random choice, because - according to specialists - the greatest developments associated with cemeteries coincided with the expansion of Modernism in Catalonia.  In relation to Cuba, it was even disclosed that some of the sculptures that adorn the vaults of both Havana's Colon Cemetery and the Montjuïc Cemetery, in Barcelona, bear the signatures of the same sculptors.

Recognized Cuban architect Daniel Taboada also referred to this theme in his presentation "Catalonian Architecture in Cuba," delivered at the Casa de las Américas.  The lecturer referred particularly to construction elements that Catalonian workers brought with them and that were used in reflecting the nouveau art style, another heir of Catalonian modernism.

Also presented was the book "La saga de los catalanes en Cuba" (The saga of Catalans in Cuba), by Joan María Ferrán.  With a foreword by Catalonian architect Isabel Segura, the book contains information spanning from the arrival of that group in Cuba prior to 1780 to the revival of Catalan migration at the beginning of the 20th century.

In addition to deepening the understanding of the participation of Catalans in Cuban industrial, commercial and agricultural development, Ferrán documents the regional publications and associations that were created during that period.  These efforts contributed to the development of the community from a cultural and intellectual point of view, and helped to provide the historical record of one of the groups from which the Cuban nationality was forged.

In accordance with the information provided by Ferrán, less than a hundred native-born Catalans live in Cuba today, with an average age of more than 75.  However, 19th century Cuba was - for very diverse reasons - the "golden age" of Catalan emigration.

This same researcher asserts that between 1780 and 1830 some 50,000 people emigrated from that region to Cuba, with many others coming to the island at the beginning of the 20th century in search of fortune or to evade military service and the war.

The Catalans came late, but they took very good advantage of their arrival. Around 1830, "Catalan emigration to Cuba began to convert into an economic, social and even political force of clear importance in national life," contends writer and journalist Leonardo Padura in his article "La aventura americana" (The American adventure), originally published in the Cuban newspaper "Juventud Rebelde."

"All economic strata seemed interested in those Spaniards who, from trade with the colony, provided the lungs for the air needed for Catalonia to make the leap to industrialization; at the same time they revived the mercantile life of the island," noted the journalist.

In this way, Catalans practically directed trade from Cuba around 1850.  Not only did they hand down into history famous names - such as Partagás (perhaps the best known Catalan connected to the tobacco industry), Facundo Bacardí (the father of Bacardí rum, whose legend endures even today), and Martí Torrens (whose fortune had a great deal to do with the profitable African slave trade) - but they also left us the legacy of today's García Lorca Theater.

There were also Catalans recognized for their connection with other important areas of life - individuals like Mariano Cubí Soler, founder of the "Revista Bimestre de Cuba" magazine; and teacher Juan Olivella Salas, co-founder along with Cubí of the Buenavista school.

According to the article by Padura, "The economic surge of this emigration allowed them, by 1840, to even found what would become the first association of catalans in Cuba: La Sociedad de Beneficencia de Naturales de Cataluña.  Its presidency would be passed along to the most noted individuals of this nationality, and the association would physically construct new institutions - first a hospital, where one could die in peace, and later a chapel dedicated to the Virgin Moreneta, where one could cry from their nostalgia."

In fact, authorization to create La Sociedad de Beneficencia de Naturales was not granted until April 10, 1841.  Its first or general meeting was held on August 1 that same year at #2 Lamparilla Street, almost at the corner of Mercaderes Street.

Catalans also settled in Santiago de Cuba, where they created social organizations such as that city's affiliate to the Sociedad de Beneficencia de Naturales de Cataluña, the Association of Catalonian Youth and its choir.

A good part of those Catalans who emigrated -the most successful- returned back home with their fortunes and contributed to the development of their native country. In this process, "throughout the 19th century, Cuba was becoming filled with Catalonian traces and Catalonia was becoming transformed by Cuban money and customs."

Perhaps among the saddest memories retained by Cubans of Catalans is that of the figure José Gener y Batet. This wealthy coffee plantation owner, as the head of the court organized by the colonial administration, was one of those responsible for the execution of the eight Cuban medical students in 1871.

Notwithstanding, there were also others who fought for the independence of the island.  Among them was José Miró Argenter, possibly the most recognized of all, who reached the rank of general and was head of the general staff under Antonio Maceo.

The head and tail of the same coin - the need to emigrate in search of a better life - the presence of Catalans was unavoidably felt in Cuban society and culture, an influence that lasts as one of the diverse components of that thick and rich "ajiaco" (stew) that forms its nationality.


Barcelona village held the first referendum on independence of Catalonia

The referendum asked villagers whether Catalonia, one of the most
ancients nations within Spain, should become an independent democratic
state within the European Union. Arenys de Munt, a Catalonian village
of 8,000 people in the region of Barcelona, held on Sunday a
referendum on the independence of Catalonia.

The referendum was proposed by a local movement and supported by a
Town Hall vote. It asked villagers whether Catalonia should become an
independent democratic state within the European Union. A Barcelona
court accepted an appeal lodged by Spanish Government lawyers, who
argued that the referendum violates the law which rules local Town
Halls and says that only the stage can stage referendums.

Arenys de Munt mayor claims that the referendum is legal as it was
organized by a local movement and not by the Town Hall. Far-right
group 'Falange Española' announced a demonstration in the village on
the same day as the vote but the mayor has assured it would be held in
a different place.

Finally, the self-determination referendum was held, pacefully, on 12
sept 2009. With a 41% of participation, the referendum was the first
oportunity for the catalan citizens to decide abouth his political
future. The winner: the independentist movement (96%
voted 'Yes'). Overwhelming Catalan victory in Arenys de Munt, 60 towns
decided to call other independence consultations in the next months.

By the other hand, thousands of supporters of independence marched
Friday through Barcelona to push for the creation of their own state,
few days ago (11 sept 2009). The protestors marched through the
streets of the capital of Catalonia behind a large black and red
banner that read in the Catalan language: "We are a Nation, We want an
own state."

Among those taking part in the demonstration, timed to coincide with
the Catalonian National Day, was the president of European football
champions FC Barcelona, Joan Laporta. In 2006 Catalonia approved in a
referendum an autonomy statute to give itself even greater powers but
its validity has been contested by the opposition Popular Party with a
ruling from Spain's constitutional court expected alter this year.

Self-determination in Catalonia

09/09/09

Few days ago, the Catalan Government approved a draft bill that will allow Catalans to celebrate referendums on issues of special transcendence within the Catalan and local ambit. It is, as Minister Jordi Ausàs said, a law that goes as far as the Spanish Constitution permits, and represents a significant step to foment direct participation on public issues and to improve democracy in Catalonia.

These referendums, however, will have two main drawbacks. First, the Spanish government will ultimately have to give the go-ahead to celebrate any referendum and, second, the results of these referendums will be non-binding. These are certainly not minor details but again we must remember that this law will be built under the Spanish Constitution, and nobody is so naive to think Spain will never allow Catalans to celebrate binding referendums on everything we want without its authorization.

But at the same time, everybody is able to see the symbolic power that these referendums will have, and that despite its consultative and advisory character, they represent the first step towards the day in which the Catalan people will celebrate a referendum to decide its own future.

However, these days (september 09), a social entity in Arenys de Munt, a city near Barcelona, is organizing a non-binding referendum on the independence of Catalonia for  the next 13th of September. The city council decided to support the referendum last June, basically by facilitating some public buildings to install the ballot boxes. One can expect the typical  pro-Spanish groups (i.e. "Falange Española de las JONS", a fascist party born during Franco's dictatorship that the Spanish tribunals have never bothered to illegalize) to start a campaign against its celebration, but so far, nothing out of what should be ordinary democracy and freedom: a group of citizens plans to consult their co-citizens their opinion on a certain matter while those who still think Franco is alive  make as much noise as possible to stop it.

So What? Well, unfortunately, Catalonia are still in Spain, a country that has a low level understanding of democracy. Not only the Spanish State have authorised a march of "La Falange" through the streets of Arenys the same day of the referendum, but the Spanish courts have banned the support of the city council on the referendum, and no one knows what else they might do in the coming days to stop the celebration of the referendum.

Luckily for everybody, this display of fear at the sight of regular act of democracy is yet another prove of how Spain is incapable of facing a reality it has always denied: Catalonia is a nation that will, eventually, exercise the first and basic step towards justice and freedom that consists on deciding with whom you want to share a democratic system. This decision lies at the foundations of every single democratic system, and I'm sure it will represent the theoretical core of the next processes of creation of new states in democratic areas such as Europe.

Source: http://www.cataloniablog.com/